On July 10, 2026, Reuters published a report stating that Sheikh Hasina plans to return to Bangladesh next December and surrender before the court. Built around an interview lasting nearly an hour, the report leaves the impression of a frightened, isolated and persecuted former leader courageously preparing to return home and face justice.
Why is it still so difficult for ordinary people in Bangladesh to find safe overseas employment without falling into the hands of brokers and unscrupulous manpower middlemen? This is a question we all need to ask. Government institutions exist—on paper and at the centre—but brokers are present in the field, at the doorstep of poor young people. Unless this gap is closed, migrant workers will continue to suffer exploitation, fraud and discrimination.
Bangladesh has repeatedly changed governments without changing the political culture of power. The real challenge after July is to make the police, administration, judiciary and Election Commission institutions of the state—not instruments of whichever party happens to govern.
July 2024 opened the door to political change in Bangladesh. The greater danger now is not the rise of any one party, but the return of old political narratives that could bury July’s unfinished reform agenda.
Why elected local governments are a constitutional necessity—and why Bangladesh should hold elections at every tier without delay.
Bangladesh’s recurring gas and electricity crises are not simply the result of fuel shortages. They expose deeper weaknesses in energy planning, market structure and regulation. This article examines what Bangladesh can learn from other countries and how a stronger, independent BERC and a more competitive power market could provide a lasting solution.